• The answer can be found in a coalition agreement signed by the government last year in which it pledged to undertake a “feminist foreign policy”
• This is nothing new in the world. The Swedish government has pioneered feminist foreign policy since 2014, and Canada, France and Mexico have followed suit, at least in certain policy areas.
• “Feminist foreign policy” is not about quotas and better treatment of women. This is a completely different philosophy of doing diplomacy
• You can follow information about the defense of Ukraine 24 hours a day in our LIVE REPORT
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Read the original text on the website POLITICO.eu

Does the German phrase mean the return of “realpolitik” or a new Cold War? Both of these solutions will be errors. In contrast, the direction of the country’s development can be found in a coalition agreement signed by the government last year in which it pledged to pursue a “feminist foreign policy”.

Contrary to its name, feminist foreign policy is not solely about promoting women; this is a fundamentally different approach to international affairs. In short, everyone’s needs come first – not just the loudest or strongest. It’s about human rights and conflict prevention, economic development and social participation, it’s also about health and the environment.

He supports Putin, he has to flee Russia

In addition to ad hoc support for Ukraine and pressure on the Kremlin to end the war, Germany needed a foreign policy that was oriented towards long-term goals, one that could best be described as a feminist policy.

This approach reflects many elements of the concept of “human security”, developed by the United Nations, which focuses on protecting the individual in his or her human dignity, rather than traditional protection by the state. On the other hand, the feminist approach demands equal participation of all marginalized groups – because of ethnic origin, religion, sexual orientation, disability or age.

This may be new to Germany, but not new to the world. The Swedish government has pioneered feminist foreign policy since 2014, and Canada, France and Mexico have followed suit, at least in certain policy areas such as “feminist diplomacy”. Other countries, such as Denmark and Spain, are also adopting a gender-sensitive approach to foreign policy, and the European Parliament adopted an initiative in late 2020.

The war on Europe’s doorstep may lead some to question what such a feminist approach can do to counter current Russian aggression. Such questions, however, do not reflect the essence of this approach, which is somewhat similar to a healthy lifestyle: A balanced diet, the right amount of exercise and plenty of sleep are the basis of longevity. However, in the event of an illness or accident – or even an intentional injury – emergency care is also required.

In the current situation, Ukraine must defend itself, which is why Germany and all other countries should give it such an opportunity. This support is mandated by the United Nations Charter as part of international law.

The failure of the German policy towards Russia

Such necessary action must, however, also take into account the consequences for the people themselves, be it in Ukraine or Russia or elsewhere. This means, for example, the implementation of targeted economic sanctions and their prompt and effective withdrawal in exchange for appropriate political concessions. In addition, although the current exception applies to Ukraine, Germany must maintain the principle of a ban on arms exports to conflict areas.

Diplomatic efforts to avoid war before the invasion should also continue. If the war does not end in the annihilation of one side, then on the issue of European security a compromise must eventually be reached, even if it will be painful because of the way the war started. The policies of the 1980s détente – be it conventional arms control, nuclear arms reduction, or trust-building measures – are again a hot topic.

The war in Ukraine should not be a fatal blow to the German feminist approach – quite the opposite. The foundations must be laid now, particularly with the development of Germany’s first national security strategy – a process recently initiated by Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock – because when guns finally die, it is time to focus on economic recovery, including reform of the rule of law and war. fight corruption, and invest in education, environmental protection and an active civil society.

It is precisely because the Ukrainians have distinguished themselves with their revolution and the majority want to be part of the European Union that their country – which boasts a multi-layered and vibrant society – deserves to be seen not only through a strategic but also a human perspective. This was a much-needed turning point for Germany – and the rest of Europe -.

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